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Matheliende is published quarterly by the students and faculty of Anglo-Saxon Studies at The University of Georgia.
Matheliende welcomes any and all correspondence and articles. Such material should be addressed to Mr. Alex Bruce, Park Hall, The University of Georgia. Copyright 1993 Alexander M. Bruce
THE UNCERTAIN FUTURE OF ANGLO-STUDIES IN A MULTI-CULTURAL WORLD
By Alex Bruce
Why do we do what we do?
What is the purpose of studying the Anglo-Saxon culture, especially in this day and age when the world --and even our fair university--demands that people learn about other cultures? The trend in education is moving away from "western" cultures, especially those cultures that came to dominate education for centuries, especially those cultures that have, well, an Anglo-Saxon heritage. So why should we even consider learning about the Anglo-Saxons when so many others in academia urge students to avoid them?
The issue has become frighteningly real for us now. And not only for us, but for all those who enjoy examining our Western European past, for those who love Aristotle, Shakespeare, and all those in between.
It seems the new world has no need for Anglo-Saxon scholars. "What will you do with that degree?" "What good is it?" "Why should I hire you, a student of the past, when there is such a great demand for scholars of contemporary world literature?"
So why do we do what we do? That is the question we must answer, and not only for ourselves, but for the world around us.
I can only answer for myself. I study Anglo-Saxon culture because I truly feel that doing so gives me better perspective on the nature of humanity. That is, I see in the Anglo-Saxons some of myself, and of the world around me.
These people were not so different from ourselves; they asked themselves the same questions that we do today--or at least the questions we used to ask, before the world became more complicated. The Seafarer wants to know what is beyond the horizon, far from the world he knows. Beowulf wants to know what a man must do to win eternal life, even if it is only in song. The Wanderer just wants to know, "Why me?"
These are the questions that mankind has asked for centuries, long before the advent of writing, long before the advent of any distinct culture, Western or not. And these are the questions that we still must ask ourselves today, or lose the power of insight and reflection.
So I study these ancient people because they are like me, asking about the nature of man's existence. And why the Anglo-Saxons instead of some other culture? Because I like them; because I feel drawn toward their culture and approach to life. This is not to say that any other culture is lesser; it is just to say that I am drawn to this one the most. As well, it makes sense to me to try to understand my own culture before setting out to explore the cultures of others. For without an appreciation for my own history and culture, I really have little reference for comparison.
Finally, it seems to me that in order to really know where you're going, you must know where you've been. We need to study our past--the past of all mankind--so that we can better understand the direction we as human beings are taking. While we should recognize the value of the study of all cultures, it seems to me that it doesn't matter if the culture studied is Anglo-Saxon, or African, or Oriental. It is just important to study our roots as human beings so that in our quest to move forward, we, as human beings, will never forget where we've been.
The Battle of Hastings shouldn't have happened.
And in reality, the event which marked the beginning of the end of Anglo-Saxon life almost didn't come to pass. In fact, had it not been for a great string of unlikely coincidences, William the Conqueror would never have assumed his place in history.
So, for the edification of yourself and your students, here is a brief--and sometime maddening--history of the events that led up to October 14, 1066, as summarized from David Howarth's 1066: The Year of the Conquest.
The story begins with the death of Edward the Confessor just after New Year's Day, 1066. In those days, the successor to the throne was chosen democratically; the task of determining the next king fell to the "witena gemot," the wise representatives of the people. While they often followed the passing king's advice, in this case the intentions of King Edward were not clear. Nor was the best choice for his heir, for six men had some claim to the throne. Edgar, great-grandson of King Ethelred was of the royal family but just a boy. Harold, Earl of Wessex, and his younger brother, Tostig (who was in exile) were both powerful Englishmen, but not of the royal family. Swein of Denmark and Harald Hardrada of Norway were both distantly related to the royal family, but were foreigners. William, Duke of Normandy, was not only a foreigner but also only related to the royal family by marriage.
The "witena gemot" ultimately decided on Harold, Earl of Wessex, because he was an Englishman, and had worked closely with Edward, and was powerful enough to protect the land (in fact his family had helped secure the throne for Edward more than 20 years earlier), and because, according to some reports, Edward hinted that he wanted Harold to take over, though whether as king or temporary regent was not clear. This decision of the "witena gemot" left three others-- Tostig, Harald Hardrada, and William--a little peeved.
William was so peeved, in fact, that he immediately began planning to attack Harold. He claimed that several years earlier Harold had promised--over sacred relics, no less--to pass the crown to William. He secured the blessings of Pope Hildebrand--as well as the excommunication of Harold for breaking his "holy vow." William then ordered the barons of Normandy to provide men and ships for an invasion of England.
Knowing that William was not going to let the crown get away so easily, Harold prepared for the imminent invasion. He ordered that each town supply fighting men--professional or otherwise. This army was stationed along the southern coast of England, with Harold's limited navy stationed on the Isle of Wight so it could transport men north-easterly along the coast. By Easter, Harold was ready for William. Shortly thereafter ships were sighted bearing down on England--ships led by Tostig, Harold's brother.
By coincidence Tostig had decided to attack his own brother at the height of his military strength. As a result, Tostig was easily defeated and once again sent away--but now angrier than ever. He turned his ships to Norway, to the land of his distant and power-hungry cousin, Harald Hardrada. Once there Tostig convinced Harald to invade England, though only by promising him the crown. Tostig, it seems, would be content with revenge and, perhaps, his old earldom of Northumbria.
So, that August, Harald Hardrada set off for England. By coincidence, William's navy was finishing its preparations at almost the same moment, and by mid-August William was ready to sail for England. But also by coincidence, the wind was against the Normans, blowing out of the north; William's men, not knowing how to sail into the wind, had to wait until the wind turned.
During the summer Harold's men had grown tired of waiting. As many were farmers and not professional soldiers, they wished to return to their lands. Morale was low, desertion was increasing, and his fleet was disbanding when Harold finally got the news he had been expecting for so long. His realm was being invaded--but in Northumbria, more than 200 miles away.
Harald Hardrada was making his way to the city of York, burning all in his path, delighting in destruction. By September 19, the same day Harold learned of the invasion, Harald came to York. The next day's battle saw the Vikings slaughter the Englishmen just outside the city. But, by coincidence, Harald did not destroy the city. He paused to enjoy his victory, and for four days he camped a few miles from York, at Riccall. Then, on September 25, he went with only a portion of his army to Stamford Bridge to accept the full surrender of the people of York.
Harald was in for a surprise, for his party was rudely met by the forces of Harold of England. Harold had driven his men more than 200 miles in 4 days; exhausted but motivated by the need to defend their homeland, the English army utterly defeated the Norwegians, avenging the slaughter of the men of York just days earlier. The Viking threat was eliminated.
But Harold's troubles were just beginning, for, by coincidence, the wind in the English Channel suddenly turned. William put to sea, and three days after the battle of Stamford Bridge the Normans landed on the English coast.
William's forces came ashore at Pevensey Harbor, less than ten miles from the town of Hastings where William seemed to have a few supporters. He made his way toward that town slowly and deliberately, destroying most of what was in his path.
Harold's army was still licking its wounds when the news of the invasion came. Harold re-traced his steps to the south, though not as rapidly, as he had to replenish and rest his army. Finally, by mid-October he approached Hastings. Messengers traveled between Harold and William, issuing challenges and giving responses. William's messenger also told Harold the news which David Howarth thinks was especially devastating. Harold was told that he had been excommunicated, and from that point on, Howarth suggests, he acted as a man who knew he was doomed.
On October 14, the armies met just outside Hastings. Harold had a very good defensive position; he held the higher ground, and, thanks to marshes on his left and right, he could not easily be out-flanked. At first William made little headway against the English front, even with his archers and cavalry. But at one point, the English forces on the right side of the line moved forward to attack some Norman knights who were struggling in the marshes. But other Normans surrounded this small English contingent, and destroyed it.
On the left side of the line, a similar situation occurred; English forces, trying to rout some fleeing Normans, were surrounded and slaughtered.
With his flanks unguarded, Harold's defensive position began to crumble. The Norman cavalry took advantage of Harold's weakness, and soon the Englishmen were either dead or in retreat. Harold himself was killed, unmercifully hacked to pieces.
The failure of the English forces to counter-attack as one unit is easily explained. A vast force of mostly unprofessional soldiers had to be given simple orders. These orders also had to be given before the battle, as there was no way to communicate with all the men once battle had begun. So Harold told his men to defend their position, and, for the most part, they simply followed orders. David Howarth suggests that the two divisions who attacked on their own were led by Harold's brothers Gyrth and Leofwine; they ordered their men to move forward, and hoped that the rest of the army would follow. Had the English forces done so, William might not have ever been remembered.
As it was, the Anglo-Saxon monarchy came to an end. The great string of coincidences--some might call it the inexorable workings of "wyrd"--ended with the death of Harold among a force that really could have won the day.
At line 2085b and following of Beowulf, Beowulf reports to Hygelac that at Grendel's side there was a "glove hanging broad and wonderful, made fast by cunningly wrought bands": "Glof hangode / sid ond syllic, searobendum faest. . . " (Beowulf 2085b-2086, Klaeber). Grendel used this glove to carry off victims (see line 2089 and following). To us it seems odd for Grendel to use a glove in this fashion; there is, however, a Norse analogue which helps explain this particular detail.
In the myth "Thor's Journey to Utgard," Thor, Loki, and two servants, Thialfi and Roskva, are traveling in an unknown land. As night approaches, they discover a strange hall--it has no doors, though one side of the hall lacks a wall. They decide to sleep in the hall, but during the night strange noises waken them. They venture further into the hall and find a smaller room off to one side, where they pass the rest of the night as Thor guards them.
The next morning Thor and his comrades leave the hall to discover a giant lying near it. The giant eyes them carefully, then asks if they moved his glove--for the hall the heroes had slept was indeed his glove. The giant then picks up the glove and invites the foursome to join him at Utgard, where they have many adventures.
The Beowulf poet tells us that Grendel was of the race of giants several times (lines 112, 113, and 761, to name a few). This added detail of the glove, then, serves to further identify Grendel with those mysterious, frightful creatures.
The Uncertain Future of Anglo-Saxon Studies
D'Souza, Dinesh. Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus. New York: Vintage Books Inc., 1991.
Frantzen, Allen J. Desire for Origins: New Language, Old English, and Teaching the Tradition. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1990.
Hastings: What a Coincidence
Howarth, David. 1066: The Year of the Conquest. USA:
Dorset Press, 1978.
The Oxford History of Britain. Revised edition. Ed. Kenneth O. Morgan. Oxford: The Oxford University Press, 1988.
The "Glof" of Grendel
Crossley-Holland, Kevin. The Norse Myths. New York:
Pantheon Books, 1980.